1. Introduction
It is easy, looking back only a decade or so, to forget how recently most people in Bangladesh had no practical way to move money safely from one place to another. Anyone needing to send funds to a relative in another district was, more often than not, left choosing between a slow and none-too-reliable postal money order or a network of informal middlemen — arrangements that worked, more or less, but rarely inspired much confidence. That picture has changed rather dramatically since mobile financial services (MFS) were formally introduced under Bangladesh Bank's guidelines on 22 September 2011 (Bangladesh Bank, 2011). By August 2022, the sector had grown to encompass more than 185 million operative mobile accounts, with roughly 57 million of those actively registered — numbers that, whatever one's views on the sector's remaining problems, represent a genuinely significant achievement in financial inclusion for a country where formal banking penetration had long lagged behind.
Bangladesh Bank (BB), functioning in the sense described by Majone (1999) as a 'non-majoritarian' independent regulatory agency, carries formal responsibility for regulating this market in a manner that serves both commercial development and the broader public interest. Under BB's own definition, MFS refers to e-money services tied to a specific mobile number — a Mobile Account — whose fund balances are recorded on an electronic general ledger and drawn down through mobile-issued payment instructions or an equivalent authenticated digital process; distinctively, and unlike ordinary e-money products, MFS accounts are additionally permitted to conduct cash-in and cash-out transactions through physical agent locations (Bangladesh Bank, 2018). This hybrid character — digital at its core, but still anchored to a physical agent network — is, in many ways, what has allowed MFS to reach unbanked and rural populations in a way that purely app-based digital banking has not managed to do elsewhere.
The practical footprint of this growth is now considerable. Mobile financial transactions in Bangladesh today span an unusually broad range of everyday needs: sending and receiving money, paying tuition and utility bills, settling retail purchases, covering transport costs, and transacting with government services (Bangladesh Bank, 2017). Overseeing all of this, at least nominally, falls to Bangladesh Bank, though as this paper argues, effective oversight in practice depends on considerably more than a single regulator's mandate. Ensuring that MFS products remain diverse and genuinely high-quality, rather than merely widespread, requires at minimum three things: a competitive market that new entrants can plausibly join, continued development of innovative product offerings, and services that deliver real value for the fees charged. Behind each of these sits a cluster of thorny policy questions — channel access, pricing transparency, interoperability between competing platforms, coordination across regulatory bodies, and data-sharing arrangements — all of which matter more, not less, as the ecosystem diversifies to include an expanding mix of banks, mobile network operators (MNOs), and independent fintech providers, each of whom regulators must treat with something resembling an even hand.
The broader technological backdrop here is not unique to Bangladesh, of course. Since roughly the mid-1990s, e-commerce, e-business, and what is sometimes termed m-business (mobile business) have expanded at a pace that would have been difficult to predict at the outset, and m-business in particular has proven capable of reshaping not just how people conduct transactions but how they organize daily life more broadly — a shift made possible, in no small part, by how thoroughly mobile devices have become woven into ordinary consumer behavior (Lee et al., 2012). Within that global trajectory, MFS has emerged as arguably the single most consequential driver of financial inclusion specific to the Bangladeshi context, precisely because it sidesteps many of the infrastructure and documentation barriers that have historically kept lower-income and rural populations outside the formal banking system (Mujeri & Azam, 2018).
Mobile banking adoption itself has drawn its own strand of research attention, separate from the interoperability questions this paper is centrally concerned with. Al Amin et al. (2021), for instance, traced how evolving mobile network capabilities and increasingly sophisticated device features have shaped a client-driven model of m-banking adoption, examining both the structural factors underlying diffusion and, notably, the specific reasons behind adoption failures alongside the corresponding opportunities for improvement — a useful reminder that growth statistics alone can obscure meaningful pockets of friction and dissatisfaction within the user base.
Interoperability — the capacity for a customer on one MFS platform to transact seamlessly with a customer or merchant on another — has, for its part, become an increasingly central preoccupation among Bangladeshi policymakers, and for good reason: the evidence broadly suggests that interoperable systems generate durable, sector-wide benefits once established. Whether a given market actually achieves those benefits, however, depends on a fairly demanding combination of factors: how mature the sector already is, prevailing market conditions, the surrounding politico-economic environment, the sophistication of regulatory institutions, and the pace of underlying technological innovation. None of this happens automatically; it requires deliberate, sustained coordination among a genuinely crowded field of regulatory actors — Bangladesh Bank itself, the Ministry of Finance, the Microcredit Regulatory Authority (MRA), and the Insurance Development and Regulatory Authority (IDRA) on the financial-sector side, together with the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) and the Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications and Information Technology on the telecom side, not to mention the consumer-protection and competition authorities that sit somewhat apart from both (Mujeri & Azam, 2018).
Bangladesh Bank has, to its credit, taken concrete steps in this direction. The launch of the National Unified USSD Platform (NUUP), which brought together banks and telecom providers under a common access channel, represented an early and meaningful step toward interoperability, even if it fell short of full cross-platform fund transfer. Realizing the fuller potential benefits of interoperability, though, will require Bangladesh to work through a still-substantial list of unresolved issues, particularly given how closely interoperability and financial inclusion are intertwined in practice — progress on one front tends to either reinforce or constrain progress on the other (Mujeri & Azam, 2018).
Against this backdrop, the present study sets out to accomplish three related aims: first, to map the constellation of regulatory actors currently governing mobile banking services in Bangladesh; second, to identify the principal problems and prospects bearing on the quality of mobile banking regulation; and third, to characterize the specific interoperability challenges facing the sector and the approaches available for addressing them. The remainder of this paper proceeds as follows: the Methods section describes the qualitative, document-based approach used to conduct this analysis; the Results section presents the regulatory actor landscape, recent regulatory developments, and the sector's principal prospects; the Discussion section considers the policy implications of these findings, situates them within the broader interoperability literature, and offers concrete recommendations; and the Conclusion summarizes the study's central contribution.

